| Title: | James Lucas, Philadelphia, to the Rev. John Kenyon, Ireland. |
|---|---|
| ID | 3649 |
| Collection | Irish Emigration Database |
| File | lucas, james/25 |
| Year | 1848 |
| Sender | Lucas, James |
| Sender Gender | male |
| Sender Occupation | politician? |
| Sender Religion | Catholic |
| Origin | Philadelphia, Penn., USA |
| Destination | Ireland |
| Recipient | Rev John Kenyon |
| Recipient Gender | male |
| Relationship | not acquainted |
| Source | The Nation, Dublin, Saturday, January 29, 1848. |
| Archive | The Linenhall Library, Belfast. |
| Doc. No. | 9601196 |
| Date | 29/01/1848 |
| Partial Date | |
| Doc. Type | EMG |
| Log | Document added by LT, 18:01:96. |
| Word Count | 1521 |
| Genre | |
| Note | |
| Transcript | IRISH NATIONALITY IN AMERICA. One of our exiled countrymen in the United States has addressed this letter to the Rev. Mr. Kenyon. He is a type of a class who love Ireland all the more tenderly for absence:- Philadelphia, Oct. 25, 1847. REV. AND DEAR SIR - With a heart devoted to everything which has for its object the amelioration of the condition of the Irish people, and the elevation of that beautiful but alas! unfortunate country which gave me birth. I take up my pen to address you. The citizens of this vast republic have been no idle spectators of the scenes which the Irish recently witnessed, of the miseries and calamities which they have experienced, and more particularly of the numerous political wrongs and injuries which have been inflicted upon them by an unrelenting and merciless oppressor. During the last two years but very little has been accomplished by us for the political regeneration of Ireland. The attention of the American public has been directed towards the relief of those whom famine and pestilence had threatened to annihilate. The cries of your countrymen asking for bread have reached our ears and touched our hearts. We have been moved by these things to abandon for a season all political agitation with reference to the Repeal question, in order to save the people from death. Our efforts have been felt and appreciated by all classes of men. In addition to this our adopted country has been engaged in war with Mexico, and our attention has also been called to that quarter. Now that the horrors of famine and pestilence have been partially allayed in Ireland, and the capital of Mexico has been triumphantly captured by our victorious troops, we can again buckle on our armour, to render poor Ireland all the aid we can, to enable her to obtain a Repeal of the accursed Union. It has been well said by the patriotic Franklin that, to be "free, a nation needs only to will it." Union and action, on the part of the people of Ireland, is alone necessary; and when this is effected, let them only will their freedom and England dare not resist. Divide and rule has been the ruling and governing policy of England in all countries and at all times. Ireland has been the victim of this system of governmental tactics; under it she has writhed and groaned for centuries - as long as it lasts she will continue so for ever. Let no man dare assert that the natural and just rights of a united and brave nation of eight millions could be delayed for an instant if they willed them to be theirs. The craven policy lately introduced into the ranks of the honest Repealers of Ireland, whilst it is unworthy of the people, is equally futile in the attainment of good. So long as the tyrant can with impunity walk over the necks of his subjects, as long will his victims be objects not of respect and sympathy, but of derision and contempt. It cannot be questioned for a moment that moral force is a powerful agent in conducting affairs towards a favorable and happy issue. It would be well that all reforms could be effected by this means; and it is certain that there are many which can never be accomplished by any other means. It is not true, however, that it, and it alone, will achieve all political innovations. It is preposterous to suppose that civil liberty can only be attained by this great lever, though always a powerful auxiliary. Neither is it recommended that any other agent should be employed in Ireland for the amelioration of the wrongs of the people. The great error is, in admitting that in no case should any other means be used. That civil liberty is not worth a drop of human blood, is a doctrine entirely novel as well as puerile. It would be more manly to assert that human blood was so degraded as to be worthless unless vivified and purified by the hallowed influences of civil liberty; that life was not worthy of enjoyment without the blessings of freedom. There are those who have freely offered up their lives, not that they should enjoy their natural and inalienable rights, but that they should leave them as a sacred legacy to their posterity. Moral force is progression; without it physical force would be useless. The one requires the aid of the other. The one prepares, the other executes. Allow the former to be the sole basis of actions, and, at the same time, deny the necessity of the latter, and no great advancement can ever be made by the people of Ireland in the attainment of their just rights. The reason is obvious. The people of England are well acquainted with the strength of the moral force principle. They inculcate its maxims from the pulpit, and through the press, whilst, at the same time, they go on augmenting their physical force, not only with a desire of retaining all that they possess, but also of acquiring more. Can it be possible that any people can achieve any great undertaking by the exercise of any great principal, powerful, it is true, but only as an auxiliary over a more powerful adversary, equally well acquainted with the use and application of the same principle, aided and strengthened by other great principles equally powerful. Moral force can be opposed to moral force; but, when it is arrayed against itself, the contest will remain doubtful, and physical force will then acquire an easy victory. Our Republic, the South American States, Belgium, Greece, and many other countries, bear witness to the right of the people to vindicate themselves by the sword. The illustrious Father of the Christian Catholic world not only admits the necessity of physical force, but actually inspires the long since languishing sons of Italy with patriotic ardour, and a heroic devotion for independence. Pius lX. is organising trained battalions of citizen-soldiers to repel the Austrian invader from his territory. All Italy is following his example. The universal heart of civilisation and justice throbs in sympathy for his noble efforts. The tyrant Austrian trembles when the universe is convulsed. The base invader will skulk away, and his cowardly vassels will not dare to stem the torrent. This vast Republic will soon act a conspicuous part in the great theatre of the world, and her influence will be potent for the emancipation of unborn millions. A new era is upon us. The age of iron despotism will soon cease for ever. In the midst of national convulsions, methinks, Ireland will be benefitted. Her condition cannot be worse. Better days will soon dawn upon that seagrit isle. The Confederation is destined to redeem their country. The talents and patriotism of the Confederates begin to be felt throughout the earth; every packet which arrives from England brings consolation to the hearts of thousands who rejoice in your under taking. Let me assure you, reverend sir, that in you we recognise the unflinching patriot and the fearless advocate of your country's wrongs. Your position is a proud one, and the day is not far distant when your persecutors will be compelled to acknowledge the justice of your cause and the disinterestedness of your motives. The noble stand you first took upon the platform of your country's regeneration was an evidence of your devotion to her best interests - your subsequent career is now a matter of universal history. There is not a city, town, or hamlet in America in which your name is not favorably known and admired by every true republican. Limerick has been the culmen of your fame; you had to contend against powerful odds, but you were not to be dismayed. Go on and prosper in your thrice happy and glorious undertaking; the eyes of the world are upon you and your compatriots; ere long, instead of being a few, your name will be Legion. Your cause is the cause of the country and the cause of God. By its success, and by it alone, Ireland shall again become a nation. Enclosed you will find a small remittance of 5l. It is my request that you appropriate as much of that amount as will pay my subscription to that invaluable newspaper called THE NATION, for two years, the remainder is to be applied by you towards forming a Confederate Club in your own parish to be called the Washington, Pius lX., Jefferson, Franklin, or any name you may think proper to bestow upon it. It is the settled purpose of many of our citizens here to organise immediately and form a Confederate Club, and render you all the aid we can. It will be a source of pleasure to us to co-operate with you in the political regeneration of old Ireland by assisting Young Ireland. Organise your own Club and we will support it by paying all the expenses incurred. This shall be done as a mark of respect for yourself and devotion to Ireland. Remember me to Hon. [Honourable?] Smith O'Brien, T. F. Meagher, Charles Gavan Duffy, John Mitchel, Esqrs., and all their compatriots, and at the same time accept for yourself and your cause my best wishes and lasting friendship. I am your obedient servant, and true friend, JAMES LUCAS, Formerly of Carlingford, county Louth. Rev. John Kenyon. |
